Ten
Years Gone
I
was thinking about victories when I began—spacial, personal,
political, wins against an establishment. I was dealing with trying
to make some stark realities from the past speak to me or my audience
with their contrasts. When I decided to write a political memoir, I
was treading on new genre. In my historical fiction and often in
poetry politics is usually wrapped—or warped—in my writing
somewhere, between the lines, at the little toe of a foot note, with
debate poised on a literary tongue. It comes naturally, with a
comforting commonality that's been my safe word since I was a
four-year-old dancing on our dinning room table. I had never written
a memoir though. My background was in writing stories of personal
experience. How accurate did I need to be? Could I write about people
who, for the most part, were living. Could I serve them justly, give
them the justice they may not have found then? What liberties, if
any, could I take? I thought I handled them with care. My job was to
somehow, believably, integrate my personal history, those of family,
friends, neighbors, with the Vietnam War and its unimpeachable
history. Textbooks, research articles, online compilations can only
define the consensus. A personal sense filters it. As an adult
writing this book 45 years after the facts, I was well acquainted
with people who had been in the game then. My parents, friends of
theirs, people like Vance (Opperman),who I've never met but did know
a good friend of his, all added to the authenticity of the book. I
lived vicariously through them. I put my feet in their shoes, related
to what they told me, what I had (as a kid) seen locally. I watched
interviews with Gene McCarthy, Vance, and people my parents knew. I
read articles of the exploits of the head of the McCarthy delegation
of the Minnesota DFL and future state AG Warren Spannus. I studied
the campaign of Hubert Humphrey and the shorter ones of Robert
Kennedy and Lyndon Johnson.
My
22-year-old niece was compiling a time-line with her grandmother, my
mom who, among many other things, nominated Shirley Chisholm at the
1972 Democratic National Convention. She has always been humble,
certainly not expecting any credit or even a slap on the back for the
things she did, her incidental swats at the glass ceilings for
housewives on our block, while raising me and my sister in her 30s.
I think I caught whiff of the time-line in an Email one day in 2013.
I don't think the '72 convention was even on it. I took it as an
opportunity to write some kind of book about that whole scene, that
chapter in the lives we all shared. It occurred to me that it was a
compelling story; a Jewish Holocaust refugee (dad) marrying an
ultra-liberal progressive from the Bronx, coming to the land of the
all-night DFL, adopting a biracial child, and growing together when
said child is rehabilitating from a head injury in the backdrop of
the Vietnam War and the many societal changes it facilitated. There
might have been, albeit unconsciously, a hint that some recognition
for past reparations could be appreciated. Some form of literal
remunerations of those years was warranted. It was a time when to
them windmills likely offered the best, most worthy fight. I grew up
seeing the frustration, hopelessness, and obfuscation of any
peaceful alternatives to senseless destruction. The people I write
about, my family, friends that I'll never know again like I did,
their lives unfolded, sometimes hinging on the way the war winds
blew. For me it was a door, a Pandora's box, opening for better or
worse. A progressively liberal environment was the stimulant, the
motif, by which I grew. These ideas and values held by my parents
were helpful, for example, in my re-entry into my public school
system. (In my book I show the car accident I had in 1971 and say
how it required me to go to a different school). They were fortuitous
in having the vocational needs I had met by a school system just
beginning to take issue with such demands. I learned at my father's
side as I tagged along to see him rise through the levels of local
politics. I came of age watching government work, democracy fought
for in its day. I remember in my book the circumstances our family
was in surrounding democracy's greatest perceptual challenge in my
young life—the vitriolic 1968 Democratic National Convention.
Bouillabaisse
Today
it is a far different kettle of fish. As the short-lived “Mooch”
said, it stinks from the head down. We need look no further than the
events in Charlottesville, VA for evidence of that. But, as I said,
that is a different kettle of fish, another blog post or worm can to
be kicked at some more, or some. Democracy, as I was introduced to
it, is as close as it's ever been in my relatively long life to
becoming extinct. In January of this year the trajectory, the arc
that Obama spoke of, took a turn off its true course. Like a writer
follows a story arc, I followed America's story live since 1965, when
the war escalated with the North Vietnam bombing mission called
Operation Rolling Thunder. This offensive move by Johnson,
promulgated by the illegitimate Gulf of Tonkin Resolution, raised a
growing consciousness in America that this war was illegal, immoral,
and ultimately unwinnable. Communism was all the rage. Johnson feared
its proliferation through Southeast Asia. And guess what, in April
of 1975 when the last chopper left the US Embassy, within hours South
Vietnam fell to Communist rule.
Throughout
the beginning of the 21st century it has been alarmingly
evident that fascism is now the “ism,” the tonic, the acerbic
sponge to fear on the world table. The vestigial ghosts of the Cold
War have faded as much as transparencies can. Certainly with the
current ad-hock administration, whose puppet head can't seem to find
the words to criticize Putin for anything, Communism, the “Red
Menace,” our rivals in hockey or space exploration is in a land of
old times long forgotten. Although how the cotton made its way to the
gin has not slipped our minds. The meeting in April of 1865 at
Appomattox, VA is planted in the northern-most mindset. Robert E.
Lee, the statue whose removal was the base of the upheaval in
Charlottesville, surrendered to Ulysses S. Grant. Personally I
couldn't have cared less about Lee's statue, providing of course that
somewhere there is one of Grant. The statue of Lee is a reminder that
the South lost the Civil War, that those ideas lost, that white
supremacist mentality that has no home in America. It has no place on
this planet but, again, that is another kettle of fish.
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